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Muddied Waters in the Presidential Race | |
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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW
December 4, 2007
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Muddied Waters in the Presidential Race
By George Will
WASHINGTON - Arthur Balfour, the British statesman, once
said that a rival's clarity was a liability because he had
nothing to say. As the presidential nomination contests
approach a crescendo, some candidates are making themselves
perilously clear, one of them with the help of her helpmate.
Last Tuesday, Bill Clinton, trying to whet Iowans'
appetites for another Clinton presidency, announced/
discovered/remembered that he opposed the Iraq War "from
the beginning," thereby revealing disharmony with his
spouse, who voted for it. Backward reels the mind, to 1992,
when Gov. Clinton explained his opinion of Congress' 1991
authorization of the Gulf War: "I guess I would have voted
with the majority if it was a close vote. But I agree with
the arguments the minority made."
Such muddiness clarifies: Do voters who are weary of the
scary clarity of the current president's certitudes really
want to replace them with a recurrence of the hairsplitting
evasions that created the adjective "Clintonian"?
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About one thing, Hillary Clinton is, remarkably, both clear
and opaque: Jefferson is anachronistic. "We can talk all we
want about freedom and opportunity, about life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness, but what does all that mean to
a mother or father who can't take a sick child to the
doctor?" Well, OK, what does "all that" mean to someone
stuck in congested traffic? Or annoyed by the price of
cable television? What does Mrs. Clinton mean?
John Edwards' health care agenda involves un-Jeffersonian
bossiness. "It requires," he says, "that everybody get
preventive care. If you are going to be in the system, you
can't choose not to go to the doctor for 20 years." In an
ad running in Iowa, Edwards brandishes his mailed fist at
Congress, to which he vows to say: "If you don't pass
universal health care by July of 2009, in six months, I'm
going to use my power as president to take your health
care away from you."
What power would that be? What power enables presidents to
"take" health care from people who have it by statute? This
is the Democrats' riposte to the grandiosity of the current
president's notion of executive prerogatives?
Edwards might, however, reconsider -- he is, after all, a
serial apologizer. Of his actions during his six years in
the Senate, he says: My vote for the Iraq War? Sorry about
that. For the Patriot Act? I don't know what I was think-
ing. For No Child Left Behind? Oops! For liberalized trade
with China? Forgive me. For storing waste in Nevada's
Yucca Mountain? I was for it before I was against it.
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On the Republican side, Mike Huckabee's candidacy rests on
serial non sequiturs: I am a Christian, therefore I am a
conservative, therefore whatever I have done or propose
to do with "compassionate," meaning enlarged, government
is conservatism. And by the way, anything I denote as a
"moral" issue is beyond debate other than by the uncaring
forces of greed. His is a moralist's version of the
intellectual vanity once ascribed to Oxford's Benjamin
Jowett:
My name is Jowett
Of Balliol College;
If I don't know it,
It is not knowledge.
Many Iowans think it would be wise to nominate a candidate
who, when the Republicans were asked during a debate to
raise their hands if they do not believe in evolution,
raised his. But, then, Huckabee believes America can be
energy independent in 10 years, so he has peculiar views
about more than paleontology.
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Huckabee combines pure moralism with incoherent populism:
He wants Washington to impose a nationwide ban on smoking
in public, show more solicitude for Americans of modest
means, and impose more protectionism, thereby raising the
cost of living for Americans of modest means.
Although Huckabee is considered affable, two subliminal but
clear enough premises of his Iowa attack on Mitt Romney
are unpleasant: The almost 6 million American Mormons who
consider themselves Christians are mistaken about that.
And -- 55 million non-Christian Americans should take note
-- America must have a Christian president.
Another pious populist who was annoyed by Darwin -- William
Jennings Bryan -- argued that William Howard Taft, his
opponent in the 1908 presidential election, was unfit to
be president because he was a Unitarian, a persuasion some-
times defined as the belief that there is at most one God.
The electorate chose to run the risk of entrusting the
presidency to someone skeptical about the doctrine of the
Trinity.
If Huckabee succeeds in derailing Romney's campaign by
raising a religious test for presidential eligibility, that
will be clarifying: In one particular, America was more
enlightened a century ago.
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Copyright 2007 by NextEra Media. All rights reserved.
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