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THE CONSERVATIVE REVIEW
February 26, 2008
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Who Will Bell Hillary?
By Robert D. Novak
WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Even before Sen. Barack Obama won his
ninth-straight contest against Sen. Hillary Clinton in
Wisconsin last Tuesday, wise old heads in the Democratic
Party were asking this question: Who will tell her that
it's over, that she cannot win the presidential nomination
and the sooner she leaves the race the more it will im-
prove chances of defeating Sen. John McCain in November?
In an ideal though unattainable world, Clinton would have
dropped out when it became clear even before Wisconsin
that she could not be nominated. The nightmare scenario
was that she would win in Wisconsin, claiming a "comeback"
that would propel her to narrow victories in Texas and
Ohio March 4. That still would not cut her a path to the
nomination. Telling her then to end her candidacy and
avoid a bloody battle stretching to the party's Denver
national convention might not be achievable.
The Democratic dilemma recalls the Republican problem,
in a much different context, 34 years ago, when GOP
graybeards asked: "Who will bell the cat?" -- go to
Richard M. Nixon and inform him he had lost his support
in the party and must resign the presidency. Sen. Barry
Goldwater successfully performed that mission in 1974,
but there is no Goldwater facsimile in today's Demo-
cratic Party (except for Sen. Ted Kennedy, who could
not do it because he has endorsed Obama).
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Clinton's rationale for remaining a candidate is the Texas-
Ohio parlay on March 4, with pre-Wisconsin polls giving her
a comfortable lead in both states. But Texas has become a
dead heat, and her Ohio margin is down to single digits.
Gov. Ted Strickland, Clinton's leading endorser in Ohio,
is reported following the Wisconsin returns to privately
have expressed concern as to whether he could hold the
state for her in the ensuing two weeks. If she ekes out
a win in Ohio while losing Texas, who then will bell
Hillary?
The inevitability of Clinton becoming the first female
president was based on her dominance over weak fields in
both parties. McCain was the one Republican who worried
Democratic strategists, and he appeared dead three months
ago. Mitt Romney, the then-likely Republican nominee,
was viewed in Democratic circles as unelectable.
Obama's improbable candidacy always worried Clinton in-
siders, which explains the whispering campaign that the
Illinois neophyte would prove vulnerable to Republican
onslaught as the presidential nominee. That private
assault continues to this day, with Obama described as
a latter-day George McGovern whose career record of
radical positions will prove easy prey for GOP attack
dogs.
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But Clinton could not go before Democratic primary voters
and assail Obama for being too far to the left. Instead,
she insinuated moral turpitude by asserting that Obama had
not been "vetted." When that backfired, she claimed plag-
iarism by Obama in lifting a paragraph from a speech by
his friend and supporter Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick
-- an approach that yielded mainly derisive laughter among
politicians.
I listened in on last Wednesday's news media conference
calls by Clinton campaign managers Mark Penn and Harold
Ickes in the wake of her Wisconsin drubbing. Incredibly,
they were hawking the same plagiarism charge that had
proved ineffective. Clinton herself raised the bogus
issue again in Thursday night's debate from Austin and
was rewarded with boos from the Democratic audience.
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Clinton's burden is not only Obama's charisma but also
McCain's resurrection. Some of the same Democrats who short
months ago were heralding her as the "perfect" candidate
now call her a sure loser against McCain, saying she would
do the party a favor by just leaving.
Clinton's tipping point may have come when it was announced
that her $5 million loan to her campaign came from a joint
fund she shares evenly with Bill Clinton. That puts into
play for the general election business deals by the former
president that had transformed him from an indigent to a
multimillionaire and excite interest in their income tax
returns, which the Clinton's refuse to reveal. The prospect
impels many Democratic insiders to pray for clear Obama
victories on March 4 that they hope will make it unnecess-
ary for anybody to beg Hillary Clinton to end her failed
campaign.
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